IL 197 



E 757 
.S83 
Copy 1 



L 



WHEN 



THEODORE 




s 



, 



K I N G 



Price, 25 ce7its — by Mail jo cents 



tVhen Theodore is King 



EXTRACTS TAKEN FROM A 
COMPLETE ACCOUNT OF 



THE NEW DECLARATION 



OF THE CHANGE FROM THE 

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 

TO THE 



UNITED KINGDOM OF AMERICA 



AND THE ESTABLISHING OF 



Theodore on the Throne 



By 

VlTER StRIKESHOULDER 



NEW YORK 

CHAUNCE Y HOLT 

27 Vandewater Street 

1909 



t 



LIBRARY of CONGRESS, 
Two Copies Receivea 

NOV 21 raoz 

Copyright Entry 
OPY 8. 



GLASS/f 

cc 



Copyright, 1Q07 
By WAYLAND SPAULDING 



FOR SALE BY OWNER OF COPYRIGHT 

411 West 115th St. 

NEW YORK CITY 

Price, 25 cents — by Mail 30 cents. 



PREFACE, 



THE KING sits in the White Palace. It is Springtime 
of the New Era in THE KINGDOM OF UNITED 
AMERICA. 

His chief ministers have left him for the day. With 
manifest eagerness he takes from its case a large volume, 
bound in purple. Laying it upon the arm of his great chair 
he opens it and reads attentively for a full hour. He does 
not proceed in course but seems to be "tasting it" here 
and there. At length, as if reading had rested him, with a 
murmured "Good, very good!" King Theodore closes the 
volume. 

Now that he has laid it down you and I may take it and 
read. Perhaps we shall say with the King, "GOOD, VERY 
GOOD!" 





^ 


PARTI. 


Step 


I, 


The Source. 


Step 


2, 


The Strain. 


Step 


3, 


The Change. 


Step 


4, 


The Plan. 


Step 


5, 


The Letter. 


Step 


6, 


The Consent. 


Step 


7, 


The Council, 


Step 


8, 


The Preparation. 


Step 


9, 


The ''Meeting." 


Step 


lO, 


Theodore in the Bowery. 
PART II. 


Step 


I, 


Committee Work. 


Step 


2, 


The Declaration. 


Step 


3, 


The Result. 
PART III. 


Step 


I, 


Party Spirit Dying. 


Step 


2, 


Blacks and Whites. 


Step 


3> 


The Two Conventions. 


Step 


4, 


The Proposal. 


Step 


5, 


The Response. 


Step 


6, 


The Joint High Convention. 


Step 


7. 


The Platform. 


Step 


8, 


The Effect. 


Step 


9, 


The Court. 


Step 


lO, 


Canada. 


Step 


11, 


'^U.K. A., Theodore, R." 



PART I. 

Step I. The Source. 

Our story is drawn from the King's book, "A Complete 
Account of the Change from 'U. S. A.' to *U. K. A.,' and 
of the Coronation of Theodore as King." It bears this curi- 
ous date: ''About the Year of the Double-Triple Triad, 
1909." The writer's name, Viter Strikeshoulder, speaks 
distinctly for itself. 

In a frank, vigorous, and sharply individual way, he 
sketches the Peaceful Revolution in the Western World 

in the years 1907 . Beginning when the nation was 

called "The United States," he carries the account for- 
ward until we are in "The Kingdom of United America," 
Theodore (or Diodorus, or Elnathan) on the throne. 

We need not attempt to reproduce the book; as with 
Wordsworth's poetry, a part may be more than the whole. 
The King tasted; let us follow the King. In one respect, 
however, we will follow our author. He omits all titles 
whatsoever. "A man's a man" seems to be the watch- 
word. 

Step 2. The Strain. 

We read that in the years 1907 relations between 

"class" and "mass" became so strained that the people 
would endure no longer. Rich men assured the laborer that 
his wages were higher and his condition better than in the 
old world. The latter declared that he was not in the old 
world but in the fertile, abounding new. Told that he 
fed better than did Queen Elizabeth, he declined to be 



content even with the royal standards of three hundred 
years ago. 

Men declared that the land produced enough each year 
to keep everyone in comfort, that old ways and standards 
had ruined the nations, and that a new order, based on 
fellow-service, must be set up here and now before it 
should be too late. They claimed that no one should have 
more than he himself earned or was willing to earn, that 
the possession of more than he needed by any man was 
proof that wealth was not justly divided. 

But the rich paid no heed. By agile dodging, now be- 
hind State charters, now behind the Federal Constitution, 
they managed to evade the control of commissions, legis- 
latures, and courts. Food and the necessary things of life 
rose to prices almost prohibitive. They who produced had 
small share in their product, while many who produced 
nothing wallowed in luxuries. Middle men were reaping 
vast profits. The probe of investigation never failed to 
open a state of things sickening to every honest man. Care 
for human life and social happiness seemed to be forgot- 
ten. But the evil-doers laughed and went boldly on their 
ruthless way. 

It was clear that industrial peace and progress could 

never come so long as men sought personal riches and 

aggrandizement. Effort to build permanent prosperity on 

such a foundation was mere "daubing with untempered 
mortar." 

Step 3. The Change. 

Then strange quiet fell upon the people. Talk gave 
place to sober, earnest thinking. There was no open re- 
bellion, yet men agreed that a change must come. They 
hoped to find a way by which, without breaking the Union, 
this nation might move as one in a common purpose of 
right to every man. 

Messages, suggestions, pledges of co-operation ran 



swiftly, secretly, back and forth like niaf,nictic currents in 
the earth. Laws with iron teeth were hinted. At lenj^^h 
it became clear that all depended upon the rich. If they 
held on their way dark shadows lay before, for tlie poor 
would bear it no longer, but if they came freely into tlie 
new movement prosperity and happiness would be multi- 
plied for all. In either case a new movement, a new state 
of things must be and that without delay. 

Rumors of this deep determination reached the "classes." 
For a time they went on unheeding. "Let the people 
chatter," they said, "what do we care? We are safe." But 
the rumble of purposeful millions made itself heard above 
the clink of gold. Thoughtful men became anxious whither 
this would lead. 

Urged partly by dread, partly by good sense, even the 
"financiers," as they were called, began to weary of their 
work and to long for a better way. "Call it fear; call it 
selfishness; call it mastery of the higher nature, or what 
you will," says Strikeshoulder, "as by one sweep of con- 
viction, wealth changed its mind." 

Here he describes a meeting. It appears to be in a 
mansion on the avenue. A park lies opposite. Mils is 
speaking. Listen. 

"A ruined country has no attraction for us. We mav 
be Samson but we must not pull the temple down about 
our ears. England coined the blood of her tenants and 
later of her innocent children into shillings." 

"Mournfully true," said Andreas, "to-day many of her 
'nobles' are ignoble; her poor a hopeless multitude. Her 
evils are chronic. It is wicked to bring this pestilent tree 
across the wide, free seas and plant it on American soil." 

"Repulsive. Impossible!" cried Bishop, amid a murmur 
of approval. 

"Clearly I see," said a woman of gracious yet command- 
ing presence, "that our children are being robbed of that 
sense of responsibility which make? moral fiber." 



8 

Thus for many pages the conversation goes on, the rich- 
est men of the country taking part. They agreed that a 
crisis was at hand. "See," cried Jonson, "miUions of im- 
migrants are coming to us, many of them cold, selfish peo- 
ples, trained to hate all government. We must stand to- 
gether, rich and poor, to save the country." 

So the "classes" had a mind to yield with some grace 
to the inevitable. But what to do and how to do it — that 
was still in the unknown. 
Step 4. The Plan. 

Three men are deep in conversation. Where they are 
we are not told nor is the precise date put down. They 
are walking together. 

"I never saw the people so restless, so determined, so 
intelligent." 

"Nor I, Abot," said Huze. "They have borne wonder- 
fully, but I am convinced that the breaking point is near 
unless some peaceful way is found." 

"That is the very thing — a peaceful way; concessions on 
both sides." It was Gompers who spoke. 

The three walked on in silence for a time. At length, 
we read, the eldest glanced keenly at the others; then his 
cheery voice rang out: 

"Gentlemen, what do you think of this plan?" The 
others listened. "I suggest that we gather the people — all 
the people, and trust to the good sense of men standing 
together on American soil to reach a fair understanding. 
I believe the rich are convinced that their wealth is in dan- 
ger. The laws are defied. Bad legislation is on our stat- 
ute books. We may find even the Constitution outworn 
by a century's hard use." 

The others agreed. "Now, how shall we work this 
out?" 

"Well," continued the leader, "great meetings are im- 
pressive. Let the people be called together and the case 
stated, temperately but frankly, and with no reserve. Let 



poor and rich be assured of just dealing, sucli as wv have 
not had in this land, else had we not been in our i)rescnt 
plight" 

"Would you seek decisions then and there?" asked 
Gompers. 

"I think not. Let the great questions be stated and the 
meeting thrown open. Let there be free discussion — I say 
discussion, not controversy. Then let committees be chosen 
to outline definite action and report later at 'similar 
meetings." 

''And some of the points?" said Huze, reflectively. 

''You knows Huze," said Gompers, smiling, "and no man 
can state them better." 

'"Such as these, I suppose, tariff, corporations, rights of 
labor, federal and state relations." 

"Yes," cried Gompers, "and a most 'Roman' committee 
must call together those who have more than a certain 
amount of wealth and lay before them a method whereby, 
with their co-operation, the excess may be diffused among 
those who have produced it, according to merit." 

The rest looked grave and no one spoke for a time. 

"I believe it is worth trying," said Huze. 

"What choice have w^e?" asked Abot. "To be silent 
means revolution, with ruin. To go forward means revo- 
lution, too, but deliberate, peaceful, and with the responsi- 
bility in the right place. Besides, what a leader we have !" 

"Exactly," assented Gompers. "There is no use in talk- 
ing of this man or that. The people will have no one but 
Theodore. He is not perfect, but he has stood the fire." 

"These be strong reasons," said Huze. "Now let us 
mark out our course — in the rough." 

The men talked long together, maturing the plan. They 
agreed to meet three days later. "We must consider care- 
fully," they said, "not to determine whether we will go 
ahead, but how." 

Thus began The Peaceful Revolution of 190 — . 



10 

Three days pass; again the men are together. 

''What do you say, then, brothers ? Shall we try to work 
out a complete program for the mass meeting?" It was 
Abot who spoke. 

'The more I think it over," said Huze, "I incline to the 
belief that it would be wiser to make a few suggestions 
and let others come from the audience spontaneously. 
Above all, this must be a people's movement. Let some 
representative man state the case in general terms and 
then call for opinions. At least, that is my view." 

"Who is the man?" asked Gompers. 

The three looked at each other and a significant smile 
spread over their faces. Each divined the other's thought. 

Huze spoke. "There is one man, and but one, in the 
United States who can do it." 

"And that man is Theodore," said Abot. 

"Not a doubt about it," assented Gompers. "The people 
respect him for his able honesty. Good men rest in him 
and bad men know he is right, in the main. To open a 
new era for eighty million people is a task to suit him, 
He will do it." 

"I agree with you fully," said Huze. "Should not some 
of us see him before we go further?" 

"I am to consult him on business this week," said Abot. 
"What do you say? Shall I carry this message?" 

To this they agreed. Having prepared the following 
letter, they adjourned: 

Step 5. The Letter. 
To Theodore, Princeps : 

Dear Sir — Three men whom you know, Huze, Gompers, 
and myself, have found ourselves of one mind on the fol- 
lowing points : The nation approaches a crisis ; the "masses" 
daily grow more sensible of their wrongs, more conscious 
of their might. Wealth goes blindly on, defiant of both 



11 

protest and warning. Laws that touch them are poorly 
enforced or inadequate. 

In view of this, we have planned a simultaneous meeting 
in every town and city. We hope that you will make a 
statement of the situation, the same to he delivered perhaps 
in New York, but especially to be printed and sent all over 
the land in time for every meeting to consider it. 

If convenient, I will call upon you at four, the day after 
to-morrow. This is written that you may have time to 
think the matter over before we speak together. 
Sincerely yours, 

Abot, Gompers, Huze. 

Step 6. The Consent. 

On page 87 of the volume is the meeting between Theo- 
dore and Abot. The former speaks. 

"It shall be done. It must be done. The difficulties are 
tremendous, but the American people are miracle workers. 
Chains of gold are hardest to break, but we must not think 
of that. It is a crisis ; we will meet it." 

Said Abot: "We will follow your lead, but not lag in 
the rear. By 'we' I mean the good men in our borders 
out of every nation under heaven — the American people." 

Then methods were discussed and a plan of action laid 
down. As the men arose and clasped hands, Theodore said : 
"The sound 'horse sense' of the country will surely carry 
this thing to success." 

Step 7. The Council. 

With Princeps enlisted in the great movement, the reti- 
cence which had obtained hitherto ceased. To let the peo- 
ple know— all the people— quickly and widely, was the thing 

desired. 

On the following day the Princeps called together his 
"family." It cannot be denied that there was anxiety in 
his mind, for he meant to lay the matter before them. But 



12 

he simply stated the case, referring to the visit of Abot and 
the deHberations leading up to it. To his surprise, he found 
substantial agreement. Taf was the first to speak. 

'T am confident that this is a wise plan. Some move we 
must make. If we do not move, we shall be moved. Revo- 
lution is imminent. I hope it may be peaceful. It will be if 
the rich see the peril and act of their own accord." 

"I cannot forget," said Corsica, "historic crises in the 
land of my birth. If the nobility could have done, in the 
middle of the eighteenth century, what they had to do 
before its end, they might have saved the revolution. I 
think the American people are too cool-headed to repeat 
the madness of the Paris Commune, but something they will 
do, and that soon." 

''Yes," said the head of the "family," ''I think we shall 
keep sane, if not sweet." 

Others spoke, some with miore confidence, some with less. 
but all in the same courageous spirit. When the council 
broke up, Theodore felt that these trusted statesmen were 
with him.. None denied that there were difficulties, but 
they were ready to go forward. 

Step 8. The Preparation. 

Strikeshoulder tells how the news spread through the 
length and breadth of the land. The Princeps prepared no 
long, set speech. In a few^ days his statement was ready. 
Copies were struck oflf and sent from ocean to ocean. Post- 
masters were asked to call the meetings, either themselves 
presiding or inviting a leading man to do so. In many 
cases the chairman was the mayor, or perhaps a congress- 
man. In New York City Chote was selected to preside. 

The newspapers were on fire with curiosity. While the 
general purpose of the great meeting was known there 
was enough mystery about it to carry interest to a high 
pitch. Men like Abot, Shah, Parkst, Heeny, Graves, Wil- 



13 

shir and others published brief hints of what mic^ht Ik* ex- 
pected. It was in the air that a p^reat event was iinpmdinp:. 
that it might open a new path to the nation, and that no 
man could afford to be indifferent. 

Details of arrangement follow: the method of proced- 
ure, control of the crowds, the distribution of Theodore's 
statement. At last all was ready and the great day came. 

Step 9. The Meeting. 

We turn to the chapter in the King's book where the 
meeting in Madison Square Garden is described. The 
whole country was in a state of high excitement. Crowds 
everywhere — in Chicago and St. Louis, in Philadelphia and 
Baltimore, Boston and San Francisco, Seattle, Omaha. At- 
lanta — ^but nowhere were there greater throngs than in 
New York. The spell which ensues when a mighty people 
is stirred by one hope, fixed in one determination, came 
upon the country. Gathered in groups, men spoke low and 
earnestly. Long before the hour the Garden was filled and 
throngs waited in the Square. Many remarked upon the 
order and quiet which prevailed. 

Theodore was expected at eight. At 7.45 an automobile 
appeared moving up Broadway. In it were four men— 
the Princeps, Huze, and two stout guards. Suddenly, near 
Twenty-second street, the auto stopped. People began to 
crowd around it when, like Scots from the heather, appeared 
a score of detectives. As they gathered about the car Theo- 
dore rose and lifted his hand. The cheering crowds took 
ofiF their hats and a great hush fell. He spoke : 

"Americans all, we are here as your guests. When we 
go to visit our friends we do not take armed guards. T 
thank these faithful men about me, but I herebv excuse 
them from further attendance upon me. Gentlemen, go 
where you like, for your own pleasure. Theodore is among 
his friends." 

Then, with a smile, he added, motioning toward the two 



14 

guards in the auto, "These men may finish their ride ; we 
two will walk." 

With this the men sprang out and began to walk quietly 
along Twenty-third street and up the avenue. "It would 
be beyond words," says the writer, "to describe the effect 
of this upon the multitude. No loud, vociferous bawling, 
but a pecu/iar humming or crooning sound, deep, almost 
deafening, but pleasant to the ear, as if men murmured to 
each other, 'Our Princeps, our Gubernator !' " 

Word of what was passing ran quickly through the vast 
audience within. As the two strode through the great 
entrance, coming just as every man there had come, the 
democratic act put the audience in the best and cheeriest 
humor. It was a happy omen for the meeting. 

The guests stepped briskly upon the platform. Arrange- 
ments had been made with tact. Instead of an imposing 
structure railed off from the pit, embellished with an array 
of dignitaries, it was but a foot or so above the floor level. 
The seats were carried up and around it so that, to one 
entering, there hardly seemed to be a platform. A speaker 
could literally lay his hand on the nearest of his hearers. 

As if to heighten the effect some of the city's most noted 
financiers sat side by side with the poorest and plainest 
there. It had been agreed that there should be no hand- 
shaking. Delany, Abot, Gompers, Butla, were among those 
nearest. They with others rose and nodded pleasantly as 
chairs were set for the newcomers. Smiles and simple 
dress with entire absence of formality made the meeting 
seem a family gathering. 

After a few minutes in which they chatted, now with 
one, now with another, the chairman rose, turned first to 
the Princeps, then to the audience, and said, "Theodore." 
There was a burst of applause which (so says Viter) grew 
fuller and mellower in tone when the guest, rising, gave 
his chair to a white-haired old soldier who had made his 
way to the platform and stood leaning heavily on his cane. 



Then slowly silence ensued. With a sweeping gesture 
the Princeps raised his hand and said, "The free, American 
people in council to-night." 

No formal address, no dictation, no instruction. Every 
man felt himself called to be earnest, broad-minded, judi- 
cious. The speaker held a copy of the statement. With 
slight reference to it he went on : 

"Not a man, woman, or child left out. A just and kind 
spirit in all the land. We speak of a 'happy' people. Tliis 
nation is a unit; 'if one member suffer all suffer.' So long 
as we have one little child for whom the best is not pro- 
vided we fall short. 

"Joy comes with deeds. We, the American people, are 
great doers. A free field, a square deal for every one. 
Work enjoined upon all who can work, with a wage set by 
worth. A man's worst foe is he who cuts oft" toil and toil's 
reward. A nation's strength is in its common people. To 
lack work and its wage is bad; to have so much money 
that the incentive fails is quite as bad. 

"Laws must be made and heeded, burdens borne, benefits 
shared by all of us, fairly, honestly, willingly. The Spar- 
tans sought in their rough way to make men brave and 
hardy. We would have men wise, good, useful, happy. 
They chose out a few; we count every man a man, every 
noble man a nobleman. There may be a leveling down of 
material possessions but a great leveling up of power, 
comfort, manhood. 

"We have made missteps, but we are not lost. By 
a strong, united effort we shall regain the path and move 
on aright. Laws must be examined, methods probed, 
wrong restrained. I merely say aloud what we all think 
and know. This is our council — yours and mine together. 

"Now, I propose two things : 

"i. That you who are here speak your minds frankly. 

"2. That before we separate committees be chosen to 
consider the various forces in our national life, cutting off 



16 

with unflinching hand what is bad, but developing to the 
full what is good. 

"We are on an upward path. Let us keep clear heads, 
stout hearts, and move on as one man wherever right shall 
lead." 

Listeners without waited to hear applause. They won- 
dered that it was so quiet while the speaker went on in his 
direct, deliberate way. But they who heard were calm, 
intent, thoughtful. Applause broke out as he turned and 
gently pushed back the old soldier, who half rose, and took 
the seat offered him by the chairman. 

Among the first to follow was the great financier, Nathan 
Stonebridge. As he began men watched him eagerly. They 
felt that his position might be the crux of the whole mat- 
ter. They had expected bitter opposition from him and 
men of his class. But it soon appeared that the call of the 
nation had been heard and heeded. 

We draw from his brief, impromptu speech the sub- 
stance. Looking around him with a smile, grim yet kindly, 
he began: 

"We have seen a light. We are ready to try a new thing 
in history. Men gifted by nature with the power to acquire 
wealth have always done so with life-long persistence. The 
past tells one tale throughout. We do not like it; we are 
ready for a change. Our money has not brought us the 
satisfaction expected. 

"We cannot rest while the cry of the underfed, the igno- 
rant, the suffering is unheeded. I, and I think many are 
with me, stand ready to co-operate in radical measures for 
the diffusion of wealth. We think it can be brought about 
in peaceful ways. We agree that a great nation should 
have happy people. This condition we find not in the pos- 
session of much by a few but of enough by all. We have 
looked at this matter soberly as is our custom and are con- 
tent to take our share of life's good with the rest." 

Then indeed a shout of approval broke forth. Men said 



17 

to each other, "This is amazing-. We have misjiulq^cd the 
man. Plainly he means what he says — and he is the leader 
among financiers. It is revolutionary. Carry this out and 
the country will be a shining example for the world. In 
truth he is a great man." 

The chairman let this buzz of conversation j^o nn for a 
time. A speech so significant could not be grasped in a 
moment. At length Roc rose to speak. He declared that 
if toilers throughout the land could have heard these words 
before they would never have felt so bitter toward mill- 
ionaires. He did not believe that a true American could 
or should be content while one person lacked the means to 
make the most of himself. He affirmed that labor had no 
apology for laziness, whether in the poor or the rich. 

Turning toward Stonebridge he said, "There is use for 
some of your money, but quite as much for your high 
ability. I shall oppose any change that does not enlist such 
men to guide it. I shall be glad to see wealth widely but 
not carelessly used. Stonebridge and his fellows will find 
the dollars invested in brightening lives the best investment 
they ever made, if they consider happiness good interest." 

Roc's speech had called forth exclamations at almost 
every sentence: "That's it. You've said it. Right, right!" 

Far over at one side a rugged looking man of medium 
height called out, "]\Ir. Chairman." Everybody looked and 
Chote, recognizing a leader, cried, "Finly." 

"If you please, I will take the platform." Up he sprang 
upon his own chair and they laughed at the shrewd hit. "I 
would rather hear these words to-night and see this audi- 
ence than 'see Naples.' No one can realize what wealth 
may do until he comes to grips with young men, until he 
knows their struggles, their hopes, their aspirations. It 
has been no small handicap that we have seen, or seemed 
to see, the leaders among our people drawing to them- 
selves with passionate energy and success the money, the 



18 

goods, the power which are proper prizes for faithful labor 
wherever it is done. 

"But I do not believe that this is our only task. Now 
that the ploughshare is in let us sink it deep and drive it 
through. Let us bury the weapons raised against each 
other by labor and capital. These words stand for great 
social forces, each weak without the other, each strong in 
the other. 

"Nor must we neglect broader interests, for we share 
in them. Education, municipal government and national, 
the laws, the courts, the tariff, the color problem, immi- 
gration, temperance, the land question, the railroads. Shall 
we not be in earnest to adjust our affairs to the new and 
nobler spirit? 

"This nation is a child growing up. Though we have 
made mistakes, we must not persist in them as an old, 
hide-bound nation might. We can hold ourselves off and 
look ourselves over before it is too late. We have begun : 
let us finish. We will set the great nation upon a new 
path to heights of which no man has dreamed." 

A strong, deep chorus of assent followed these crisp sen- 
tences. 

But we must not dwell here too long. Others spoke and 
the scope of 'suggestion was broad. Rich men declared 
that they were sick of the game. They had succeeded, 
but one success created hunger for another. There was 
no rest in it, no comfort. They were ready for changes 
that would give the fruits of labor to the laborer and would 
claim from every man his share in the world's work. 

They who knew the feelings of the poor admitted, calmly, 
courteously, that the strain had been severe, that hard words 
and harder deeds would surely have followed had this 
change of spirit been delayed. They discerned no patron- 
izing air in the rich, but an honest desire to do right. In 
this lay the hope of progress. Brain and brawn must be 
more evenly rewarded. They did not expect the revolution 



19 

to come in a moment; it might take a generation. But 
with a humane spirit all classes would be content, while 
the adjustment might proceed faster than any anticipated. 

At length the resolution proposed by Theodore was 
brought forward. It had been carefully worked out by 
Wilcox and provided that, in New York, Huze, Ivins, 
Gompers, Hilis, and Lo should formulate the subjects, many 
of them discussed in the speeches. This committee re- 
ceived power to increase its number and instructions to 
work with representatives from other meetings to the end 
that a platform might be prepared and a course of action 
marked out. 

All America had been hot with discussion for many 
months. Since the committee was certain to be made up 
of experts no long time could be needed for a report. 

Such was the issue of the New York meeting. As the 
address of the Princeps had been sent to the ends of the 
country, action covering the same ground was taken by 
each meeting, the details being left to local judgment. The 
result was that in a short time strong, grave men, well 
qualified, were studying public questions from a standpoint 
entirely new. Casting off the bonds of selfish expediency 
and realizing the vast resources placed for the first time 
at the service of the people, they squared everything by 
the simple law of right for all men. 

Thus the nation entered new paths. The rich saw their 
riches pluming wings. They could only help direct the 
flight. But they were honestly surprised to find this work 
more interesting and absorbing than any they had known. 
Full of energy and ambition, they found that, to a wise 
man, there was wider scope and higher enjoyment in di- 
recting a noble uplift of the people than in heaping dollars. 

And the poor, the patient poor, long taught to bear in 
silence, were quiet in the contented assurance of better 
things at hand. The meeting had been an object lesson; 



30 

both in the Garden and in the street the rich and poor had 
met together on even terms for a common purpose. 

Throughout the country similar meetings were held on 
that eventful night. The Auditorium in Chicago witnessed 
scenes like those in New York. Slightly more demonstra- 
tive perhaps, the West uttered even stronger expressions 
of purpose. Once only was harmony interrupted. 

When the chairman, Kenesaw, called for opinions, they 
came from every side— brief, temperate, yet full of that 
frank decision characteristic of the great Central City of 
the future. Suddenly, from a distant corner, arose the 
voice of a little, old man, plainly from the country. 

With the air of one accustomed to rule in his small 
baiUwick, he shouted, "Mr. Chairman!" As everybody 

looked the latter said, 'The gentleman from ?" and 

hesitated. 

''Scrabble Flat," yelled the little man, and went quickly 
on. "This is all wrong, I tell you. I object to it." 

He paused, as if that settled the matter. Then he cried, 
"It wouldn't do no sort o' good. I own a big bean-pole 
farm down in Scrabble. Tm the richest man there. I 
own sixteen horses, for we're twenty mile from the rail- 
road. Now, s'pose we divided everything up, how long 

would it stay so? Why, in less 'n a week " But he 

got no further. 

Strikeshoulder says that when the audience heard this 
ancient, moss-grown objection, a sound arose which was 
indescribable. A laugh? A groan? A cry of "Hush!" 
as some felt that the age and sincerity of the man should 
be respected. Whatever the sound, the critic was drowned 
in it. As soon as the presiding officer could be heard he 
quietly observed that no such course as the gentleman 
feared was intended, that the new regime would only carry 
out the opening sentence of the Declaration of Independ- 
ence, now held to be a truism by every American. 

A striking speech was that by Nels Arma. He said, in 



21 

part, "Prosperity has made us careless. I do not believe 
one of the men called wealthy in this country really sat 
down and thought just what the effect of his business 
course would be. When a man finds he can do a thing 
which others try in vain he likes to do it. Should it in- 
volve risk, should it call out all his energies, then he 
would not breathe American air if he did not feel the stim- 
ulus of adventure. 

"We have been like steamboats racing on the Mississippi, 
careless of the means we used, careless of harm to others, 
careless of everything but winning. Some of us have won 
— at least we have attained what we sought. To go on 
would be, to conquer other worlds like the one already 
ours. What is the use? From motives of mere selfishness, 
if you please, we are ready to enter the new paths, count- 
ing it a more interesting work to spread prosperity through 
a great nation than to mass money around ourselves. We 
do not doubt our ability to keep the wolf from our doors 
while we help to keep him from the doors of other people." 

The speech was received with tremendous applause. 
Kenesaw had the good judgment to let the buzz of con- 
versation between man and man go on for fully ten min- 
utes. Nobody cared to go behind such statements. Whether 
fear of worse or hope of better; whether, as the speaker 
had affirmed, the conclusion of the rich that it was more 
"interesting" to help build a great, happy nation than to 
heap dollars — whatever the ground might be, they who 
heard felt in their hearts that Arma meant v;hat he said 
and that the new movement needed just such men to 
guide it. 

In Chicago, as elsewhere, the resolutions were received 
and men chosen to consider national questions. How they 
should act and when report was left largely to discretion. 
But the spirit of reform was so universal that when the 
evening closed the nation was sure it had entered a door 
of hope not to be closed. 



Next morning the newspapers all over the country were 
full of the great meeting. It is worth while to note that 
the King's volume does not speak of meetings but of "a 
meeting," as if conscious of the words in the Garden, "The 
Free American People in Council." There was no criti- 
cism; indeed, there could be none. He would have been a 
rash man and a lonely who should have tried to make 
even an eddy in the current of public opinion that bore 
onward, right onward. 

By having men gather in their home towns and cities to 
inaugurate the movement, it was made truly national at 
the start. None were ignorant, none listless. In thou- 
sands of places you might have heard conversation like 
this: 

''Well, Jonathan; been down to the city? What's the 
news?" 

"Oh, they're all talking of one thing." 

"And what might that be?" 

Then would follow a description of the plan. He who 
had heard of it went to the leading man of the town and 
soon talk was busy over it in the shops, on farms, in the 
stores. Presently the mail brought copies of the statement 
with orders for their distribution at the mass meeting. This 
pointed the way for action. The leader took up the duty, 
caused notices to go everywhere, and secured the largest 
hall for the assembly. He disclosed enough of the subjects 
to stimulate thought and discussion. 

The book declares that, so far as information went, not 
a single place in the Union was without such a meeting. 
In some thinly settled parts there was a gathering in the 
open air at a central point, to which men came from a wide 
circle. It seemed as though the very winds carried the 
tidings. Whenever and wherever the people met there 
was one conclusion : the past was like an egg whose shell 
is burst with new life, never to be thrust back into its old 
prison. 



Step 10. Theodore in the Bowery. 

There is an interesting event set down here. In New 
York the Princeps spent the night, after the great assembly, 
at the home of a citizen not named in the voktme. Perhaps 
Strikeshoulder wished to avoid distinctions. But he says 
that in the morning there was great stir among the detec- 
tives. When, between eight and nine, they insisted upon 
knocking at his chamber door, behold, he was not there ! 

The discovery was terrifying. Dreading the worst, the 
two or three who had made the discovery were hesitating 
over their course. Well they might believe that the city^ 
and soon the nation, would be aroused to extreme wrath 
over a neglect apparently so gross, nor could they doubt 
where the storm of indignation would fall. 

But while ihey stood half-dazed a strong, cheery voice 
rang out in the vestibule, and the guest himself, beaming 
with good will, strode in. 

"Well, gentlemen, I've had a morning walk, and a fine 
one, too. I have been calling on my friends." 

For a moment the guards were relieved, thinking he had 
gone out with others of their number — in any case he 
had been well cared for. What was their amazement to 
find that he had given tliem all the slip, that he had arisen 
before seven and had made his way out, walking briskly 
along with slouch hat over his eyes, until he found him- 
self at the corner of Hester street and the Bowery. As he 
glanced upward at the street sign a keen-eyed Italian caught 
sight of his face and cried out, "Tl presidente, II presidente." 

Chuckling to himself the Princeps turned sturdily east- 
ward across Chrystie street. But the cry was heard and 
taken up. As he reached Forsyth street, people were 
hurrying toward him from every quarter. At first the cry, 
'Tl presidente" prevailed, but soon it was mingled with 
greetings in every dialect known to cosmopolitan New 
York. Men who had started to run toward the center of 



24 

attraction, for no clear reason, as soon as they heard the 
call and caught the pet name of Theodore, re-echoed it and 
ran the faster. 

For an instant the Princeps hesitated — not from fear- 
far from it. He does not fear the face of man. Rather 
was he thinking how best to meet and cheer and satisfy 
this throng of his fellow-beings. Not heeding the condition 
of the street, he stepped straight to the center where Forsyth 
and Hester cross, lifted his hat, waved it once in the air, 
and shouted, "A brisk and happy morning to you, my 
friends!" Replacing his hat high upon his forehead, so 
as to show his smiling face to the full, he grasped the 
hands nearest to him. 

This continued for at least ten minutes. The visitor had 
a hearty word of cheer for every one. Few understood 
English, but his manner winged his words. Every mo- 
ment the crowd grew denser. With his usual self-forget- 
ting eagerness he had entered into the impromptu recep- 
tion. But it was plain that he could not shake hands with 
all lower New York. 

Then a new thing happened. Once or twice already men 
had offered to lift him on their shoulders, but he would 
not have it. 'T stand even with you all," he cried, laughing, 
and they desisted. But the leaders saw that something must 
be done. Accordingly, a half-dozen stalwart fellows, moved 
by a common impulse, held back the crowd on the western 
side, making a kind of lane a few feet long. Before he 
noticed this, or at least caught its significance, a slender 
PoHsh woman seized a broom and, slipping under the arms 
of the bystanders, began to brush away the dirt along this 
lane. Then a man said to him in broken English, ''You 
tired. We take you to Bowery car." Then Theodore 
understood their plan — the lane, the sweepers — for by this 
time other women had appeared with brooms. The crowd 
too caught the idea and gave back. 

Thus, with laughter and high good-will, did this strange 



25 

guard convey their famous visitor along. He still grasped 
hands, especially those of the children, when he could 
reach them. It was not a scramble; there was no jostling, 
no rudeness. The Princeps felt in the mixed multitude a 
fine spirit of loyalty. The self-constituted guards were 
brethren ; two ItaHans, one Jew, one a Slovak, and two 
others Russians. A sturdy Chinaman, with fun bubbling 
from his forty-five-degree eyes, tried to help, and no one 
made objection. 

New York had never seen a sight like this. The lane 
was pushed steadily forward, and closed in behind — li'<e 
Davy's wood path. As they reached the Bowery and the 
trolley track, the guest took pains to grasp the toil-worn 
hands of the sweepers, who had cleared his path, as well 
as those of the guards who had opened it before him. It 
was good to see him stand as man with man among those 
swarthy visaged fellows, to hear their efforts to make him 
understand their friendly feeling, to see shining in their 
faces the glow that is making this nation the Hght of all 
lands. 

Presently a car approached. The Princeps sprang aboard, 
turned and cried, "A splendid future to us, every one!" 
He waved his hand, the gong clanged, and he rode away. 

When the regular guards heard where their charge had 
been and how he had fared, they said meaningly to one 
another, "There will be no call for our services if this 
keeps on." 



PART 11. 

Step I. Committee Work. 

Then several chapters of Strikeshoulder's book are taken 
up with the work of the committees. Voluntary redistribu- 
tion of wealth, rates of interest, labor, prices, wages, hours, 
tariff, stock gambling, trusts, wills, intoxicants, home- 
steads, etc., are discussed, not as heretofore, for an in- 
tellectual tourney, but to produce results. Now that the 
will, the purpose, was right, men were surprised to find 
the way clear, hard problems easy, the impossible both de- 
sirable and practicable. Rich men agreed that the tension 
had been near the breaking point, that relief had come not 
a moment too soon. 

On one of the committees we find Or, Barba, Bishop.. 
Andreas, Hardman, and others. Andreas admits that he 
has found the responsibilities of wealth too heavy for him. 
''Yes," said Hardman, "I have tried to put money where 
it would serve men, but I do not know. I cannot judge. 
The needs are so multitudinous." 

"Exactly !" cried Bishop, "millions of calls, each tiny and 
trivial to the world but vital to the one who utters it." 

"And while these voices are unheeded the masses suffer. 
Their lives are stunted. They learn to hate those who 
should be their guides and friends." 

It was Asta who spoke, and men listened. 

Soon we read of a joint meeting of this committee with 
the one on labor. In fact, the two found that they must 
work together. Delany is speaking*: "Wealth heaped up 
is like water stored above dry fields. It must be let down, 
but judiciously, as each plant may need." 

Much thought was given to the scale of income proper to 
each man, woman, and child. Said Hil, "I have argued 
that wages were high enough, that a steady laborer could 
have what he needed, could educate his children and fill a 
respectable place in the community. If willing to deny 



27 

himself, he could even own a cottage and garden — perhaps 
an acre or so of land. But I cannot deny that, under our 
present system, I myself can command more wealth than 
all my employees put together." 

''Just so; just so!" cried Bilt. ''Our palaces, our yachts, 
our automobiles, our luxuries cry out against us." 

To this there was general consent. So long as two men 
labor with equal zeal there is no reason why one should 
ride home in his auto to a palace while the other trudges 
wearily to a humble cottage. Wealth employs labor but 
does not labor employ wealth? Hitherto the actual maker 
has had no fair proportion of the things he has made. This 
mal-adjustment puts both parties ''out of joint" and makes 
neither happy. 

"Honestly," said Gold, "I cannot use my property, much 
less enjoy it. Sometimes I feel swamped by it. Yet the 
poor envy us ! If they could only know the agony of the 
rich. Why don't we put millionairedom among the has- 
beens?" 

"Doesn't it come to this?" said Felps. "A few have a 
share out of all proportion to the work they do. That de- 
stroys the social balance. Can one use wisely what he has 
not earned or done his honest best to earn? Why not base 
incomes on this principle?" 

"No one can maintain," said Powderby, "that wages 
are sufficient so long as employers are heaping up fortunes 
as we have seen them in America. Why give so large re- 
wards to cunning but so small to honesty, fidelity, industry ?" 

Others took up the discussion in the same spirit. We 
extract here and there: 

"Has a brain worker a right to demand more of the 
product than a brawn worker?" 

"No," was the answer ; "let the former be offered the lat- 
ter's place ; would he take it ? Would he go down into 
the mine and swing a pick hour after hour for the wage 
his brain work receives?" 



28 

"No, indeed;" said a railroad manager. ''Life would 
not be worth living if one were chained to that. Though 
I call my work harder, Fd vastly rather do it. How I 
should fret if I were strapped to a whistle or a bell, and I 
always did hate to take orders from another man. It is 
the delight of my life to control things, to force them to 
go as I will. I couldn't stand the life of a laborer — and I 
wouldn't." 

"It seems to me," said a grave gentleman, ''that for the 
first time in history we are really united on fundamentals. 
Not competition but service may now be master. So long 
as the annual product would not go round and some must 
be left hungry, perhaps competition was pardonable. But 
now, at least in our country, there is plenty for all. Is not 
poverty, except in the idle and criminal, a proof of bad 
economics? Your fine establishments and mine, gentle- 
men, point out the trouble." 

"I had not thought of these things," admitted a noted 
iron-master, who owned no less than six mansions. 

"And I," said Fips, "have often said that workingmen 
would not use their time wisely even if short hours secured 
it to them. But I do not see how they could do worse in 
that respect than our rich men's sons. Certainly, no mill- 
ionaire should complain that his employee will suffer from 
that leisure which he secures without measure for his own 
flesh and blood." 

"Nor can it be shown," said Hopkin, "that diffusion of 
wealth will increase drunkenness. We hear much of in- 
temperance among the masses, but I do not believe the case 
is as bad, man for man, as it is among the rich." 

"I am satisfied," said Rees, "that the morals of the poor 
compare well with those of the wealthy." 

A shadow of recollection seemed to fall upon the com- 
pany. Thought of the past was unpleasant. Abot observed 
it and said, "We are brothers here. Let us turn from de- 
structive to constructive; from the past which we do not 



like to the future of magnificent promise. Is not this the 
problem? 'To produce wealth and divide it wisely enough 
for each to make the most of himself as a willing servant 
of his fellow men.' Is that right?" 

''Quite right," was the response. "If any one can work 
and will not, neither shall he eat." 

"In the great readjustment," Abot continued, "there must 
be inconvenience, even hardship for a time, in some in- 
stances. We are law-abiding, but many of our laws must 
be changed at once. For the people to rise and take prop- 
erty by force would be revolution. For the rich, of their 
own accord, to put their wealth at the service of the Com- 
monwealth will be revolution likewise. This latter I call 
peaceful revolution." 

"The rich could have blocked this advance," said North- 
rup, "if they had stood upon their legal rights. Popular 
indignation might have risen and ruthlessly stripped them. 
Then wealth would have fallen into unfit hands, and our 
last state would have been worse than the first. But be- 
cause of the spirit now abroad, I expect to see the time 
when the poor as they are to-day shall be no longer with 
us. I believe that with 'nobler manners, purer laws,' defect 
and degeneracy will diminish until the care of the sick, 
the unbalanced, the criminal, shall hardly be counted a bur- 
den by the State. 

"Therefore," said Crane, "I propose the following as 
ground principles : 

"i. A'o one shall have in any one year more wealth than 
will fairly meet the needs of himself and those naturally 
dependent upon him. The purpose shall he to enable him 
to make the most and best of himself as a servant of his 
fellozv men." 

Crane looked up and added, "I am aware that this stand- 
ard is not perfectly easy to reach. It may take time, but a 
willing spirit will do it." 



30 

"That is the truth," said Jordn. *'We shall have the 
wisdom of the whole people. If this principle is carried 
out I do not understand that there will be any rich." 

"No," said Angel, "nor any poor, either. I have never 
found the poor bitter against the toiling rich. Mad and 
wrong as it is for a man to keep on adding to his hoard 
instead of using his powers for others, yet labor is such a 
leveler and has in it so much of native dignity that they 
who toil in poverty have a certain sympathy with those 
who toil in wealth. In fact, a man is about as rich or as 
poor as he feels. Many a one does not think he is in need 
until some one with more than he comes and casts his 
shadow over him. When none stand so high in millions 
as to throw broad, dark shadows over the land, when work 
is demanded of every one, when all know that they hold 
material wealth as they do mental, by using it, then not 
only poverty, but the sense of poverty, will cease, and men 
will be contentedly industrious." 

"Some of us have amassed so much that we are top- 
heavy and uncomfortable," said Rine quietly. 

"I suppose," said Lawsn, "we shall agree that one house 
ought to suffice for a family." 

"Then we can take from some of you gentlemen several 
houses, or rather palaces, and perhaps you will be no less 
happy." 

"Not a doubt about it," said Berdn. "I am sick of this 
knocking about from place to place — now north, now south, 
now west — now in America, now in Europe. One might 
as well have no home at all as try to live in half a dozen 
places." 

"I am sure the clergymen and civic workers will be glad 
to have you stay in town for a much larger portion of the 
year," said Slisa. 

It was agreed that the year's supply adapted to the year's 
need should be the guiding principle. Thus, in times of 



31 

distress, burdens would fall upon all alike, or rather upon 
each in proportion to his ability to bear. 

Here Strikeshoulder turns aside to emphasize the point 
that men had to adjust themselves as well as their business 
relations. If they had found pleasure in preying upon each 
other they must now give themselves to a new pursuit, viz. :; 
the keener interest and deeper joy found in spending their 
lives for the common good. And the author adds, looking 
back from the date of his volume, "Not only do all men 
now hold that the New Way is better, but some who clung 
to the old way longest find especial delight in giving them- 
selves enthusiastically to the new." 

After an adjournment we find the joint committee again 
proceeding with its work. Crane presents his second prin- 
ciple : 

"2. Surplus wealth shall he drawn off deliberately and 
naturally into the channels of need. Wages shall be raised, 
hours shortened; the things men must have shall be cheap- 
ened, but the rule shall be maintained that all possessions 
must be earned." 

"I have not thought it wise to go into detail here," said 
the mover. "It is clear that many questions will arise which 
cannot be answered beforehand, nor settled by hard and 
fast rules. Granted the disposition now prevailing in this 
country and every one of them will be met and answered 
aright." 

"That," said Taf, "is the true method— the empirical and 
tentative. We enter high and untrodden paths ; the finger 
posts of the old, lowland ways will not answer here." 

"Undoubtedly," said Fulla gravely, "public policy can be 
changed by statute. No political prejudice, class distinc- 
tion, ancient custom— not even the Constitution itself— 
should hinder the operation of a fair, manly, American 
spirit. Guided and inspired by this, every good thing is 
ours." 



Other committees considered subjects assigned to them, 
casting their conclusions into the form of resolutions. The 
chairmen met and reduced the whole to a platform or 
deliverance calculated to remedy the evils then afflicting 
the country. The one condition of success lay in the obedi- 
ence of all to the first resolution. 

So swiftly had the work moved that the result was ready 
two months from the date of the first meeting. Copies of 
it were scattered everywhere. Some declared that 
50,ooo,ocx) were printed. They read as follows : 
Step 2. The Declaration. 

1. Every member of society shall do his utmost to help 
the rest. All incomes shall be regulated by this standard. 

2. No person over 21 years old shall receive in any one 
year more than $1,000. A married couple shall share their 
joint, personal income equally. They shall receive no more 
than $600 for the support of each child between 14 and 21, 
and $400 for each child under 14 years of age. The $1,000 
limit shall be reached as rapidly as possible by increasing 
the rewards of industry. When there is enough for all 
who are faithful the standard may be raised. 

3. No personally owned business or investment shall pay 
more than 2 per cent, profit per annum unless the sum 
received from all sources by any given family operating 
under Section i shall be less than is allozved in Section 2. 

4. Wages shall be regulated by the nature of the work; 
the harder or more disagreeable service to have the higher 
pay. 

5. All funds above a sufficient amount to meet the de- 
mands in Sections 2 and 3 shall be used 

a. To decrease the cost of the necessary things of life — 
food, clothing, rent, etc. 

b. To increase the rezvards of labor actually performed, 

c. To provide aid and comfort for the worthy who other- 
tvise would fall belozv the common standards of living set in 
Section 2. 



33 

cl. To provide for the weak and incompetent of all classes 
and conditions in their homes, to enhance the efficiency of 
all institutions of an eleemosynary character, whether for 
needs physical, mental, or moral, and to provide such new 
ones as may he required. (This article shall be held to in- 
clude schools, libraries, hospitals, asylums, missionary and 
temperance societies, art galleries, parks, gardens, etc.) 

e. To improve the cheapness and efficiency of public serv- 
ice of every kind and to create nezv service as needed. (This 
includes all ''common carriers," so called, lighting, power 
service, communication, etc.) 

f. To provide that each person may have one year of rest 
in every seven to use as desired with an income of $i,ooo 
for that year. 

6. All national expenses shall be met by tariff on imports, 
zvhich shall be for revenue only. 

7. There shall be no unearned increment. 

8. All stocks and paper obligations shall represent actual 
value. 

9. Gambling of all kinds shall be equally unlawful, 
whether in stocks, shares, or bargains, or with gambling 
implements so called. 

10. No will shall be valid. When a person dies his con- 
trol of wealth shall cease. 

11. The manufacture, distribution, sale or use of any in- 
toxicant as a beverage shall be unlazvful. 

12. No one shall ozvn more land than the equivalent of one 
'''homestead" of 160 acres for himself, all tillage or forest, 
and one for each child over 14 years old; the latter to be- 
long to tlie said child at 21. Any single man or zvoman may 
own one such "homestead" likewise. 

13. No child under 16 sliall be employed at labor, but 
shall attend school as required heretofore. 

14. There shall be a strict and uniform Federal divorce 
lazv. 

15. Every post office shall be a postal savings bank. 



34 

i6. Other regulations shall be made and these modified 
from time to time as the people by initiative and referendum 
may agree. 

Step 3. The Result. 

When these resolutions were read by the country there 
was serious discussion. They seemed to turn the world 
upside down. Men who had squandered tens of thousands 
every year were bewildered. The air was thick with ques- 
tions: "How can it be carried out?" ''How can one live 
on a thousand a year?" "Who shall make the adjustments?" 
To this last query the forceful and slightly bitter reply was 
given that "adjustments" had been made heretofore with a 
strong hand by the rich, and in their own selfish interests ; 
that the new plan could hardly be worse. 

The laboring classes were quiet but determined. The ex- 
periment must be made. The rich were convinced that it 
was too late to recede. Still, it is uncertain what might 
have been the outcome but for the unexpected. Men of 
wealth had dreaded the change less for themselves than 
for their wives and daughters. But it was the latter who 
saved the day. They had been sharply criticised for their 
heartless extravagance. Indeed, many felt that they could 
not have the true American heart and yet squander in idle 
folly more than would keep many of their worthy sisters in 
comfort. Under the power of the new spirit, however, 
they vindicated their high character. Their influence was 
thrown strongly on the side of the resolutions. They de- 
clared that in carrying these out they were willing to bear 
their part, and they did. 

Viter Strikeshoulder gives no record of a formal vote. 
The platform appears to have been adopted by common 
consent. The changes proposed brought hardship for a 
time here and there, as all changes must. Some predicted 
that enterprise would fail of incentive, that business would 
languish. But they who had been capitalists now entered 



35 

heartily into the scheme for placing wealth where it would 
do the most good. This they found even more fascinating 
than the game of piling millions. 

There was no thought of wasting the abilities of any 
man. The laborer, skilled or not, must do his share of 
work in his own sphere. It was the same with the financier. 
He had learned how to guide vast concerns successfully 
and the new plans bade him continue. Under his trained 
hand individual holdings were united in great corporations, 
managed by the very men who had amassed the wealth. 
But these were indeed "trusts" in a good sense, not evil. 

Shares of stock in the corporation were offered to as 
many buyers as possible, to be paid for in prescribed in- 
stallments. Thus a man whose income fell below the limit 
could take a part of his earnings and buy stock. The next 
year he would receive a reasonable dividend thereon which, 
with his current earnings, would bring his income for that 
year nearer to the $i,ooo limit. "In this way," says Strike- 
shoulder, "some have already reached the maximum, while 
thousands are on the way to it. Property is used in masses 
but is coming to be owned by the people. A few years will 
see, instead of a few hundreds ruinously rich, hundreds of 
thousands with enough to make them of highest value to 
the commonwealth." 

Here follows an elaborate description of the way in 
which the resolutions were carried out. Economic prob- 
lems which had baffled human wisdom now solved them- 
selves because the old conditions were reversed. Men put 
the interests of others first. In doing so they found a deep 
and abiding satisfaction. 

Some, in the habit of spending thousands each year, 
were sure they could not live on one. But when they 
found that not even this sum was theirs until earned, they 
solved the problem by going to work. Thereupon they 
discovered that the idler is the spendthrift. Give him use- 
ful employment and he is too busy and happy for squander- 



ing. A spirit of self-respect grew up; even to think of 
spending what one had not earned became contemptible. 

It is true that many were added thus to the army of 
toilers. Some feared lest wages be crowded down. But 
it was found that when the actual yearly product of the 
country was divided according to labor performed there 
was enough and much to spare for all. 

The mansions of fashionable resorts and on "Quality 
Avenue" in town were ill-adapted to the new methods. But 
it was agreed that so small an obstacle must not hinder 
the coming of a national blessing. Beautiful and instruc- 
tive objects, which hitherto had been seen by only a few 
in these houses, were put where all could see them and 
profit by the sight. Of the buildings themselves, some were 
remodeled to adapt them to new standards; others were 
replaced. Natural taste and genius were expended upon 
public buildings and works of value suitable to put in them. 

The genuine business of the Stock Exchange required 
a part of one floor. The rest of the magnificent structure 
was used for a "monetary museum." Here specimen coins 
and representations of value from every land and age are 
being gathered for free exhibition. 

In a time surprisingly short the changes were nearing 
completion. It was as if oxygen had been added to the 
air. The zest of life was heightened. Smiles came with 
active, energetic good will. Men declared that the old, 
selfish past was like a hideous dream. Nations of the Old 
World looked on and wondered. Suddenly Keir Hardie 
uttered the thought in many minds: "Why do we groan 
under old yokes? What America is doing we can do." 

Strikeshoulder tells us that while he writes the air is 
a-quiver with Marconigrams bearing news of peaceful revo- 
lution even in nations struggling with old, ingrained wrong. 
"The better way, the better way. The way of true men. 
We will follow it, forcibly if we must, but peaceably if 
we may." Such is the world's hope as it considers the great 
American model. 



37 
PART III. 

Step I. Party Spirit Dying. 

To this brief yet important account of the entrance of 
new things into the real nation, we add notes on the change 
from U. S. A. to U. K. A., and how it came. Strike- 
shoulder assures us that the passing of the old order and 
the uplifting of the masses gave a strong stimulus to care- 
ful thought on public questions. Men took fresh interest 
in affairs because standards were elevated. Office was di- 
vorced from grasping greed and wedded to service. 

A great election was approaching. Discussion everv^- 
where, earnest but broad and considerate. The more the 
people studied the more clearly they saw that party di- 
visions, like those of religious sects, were often based on 
names and non-essentials ; that at heart they were one. The 
great platform, found in the earlier part of the King's 
book, had done more than was dreamed. It had eradicated 
the real evils of society, and it had taught the people that 
they could all unite upon a single statement of principles. 
Wherefore it seemed absurd to agree upon essentials yet 
stick tenaciously to old party names and shibboleths. 

Habit, however, is strong; some "Republicans" and 
"Democrats" tried to sound the party slogans, but the thrill 
was gone out of them. To put it in a homely way, the 
people felt that they were about better business. Section ii 
of the Resolutions had left the Prohibitionists without an 
issue. Labor had come to its rights. Wealth was doing 
what wealth should do for all alike. Peace was more win- 
some than party. 

Step 2. Blacks and Whites. 

Our author describes a plot hatched by enemies of the 
government, before the New Way came. The South had 
restricted the civil rights of negroes. The anarchists 



counted upon their sense of this injustice. For weeks 
their messengers were busy, trying to fan resentment into a 
flame of destruction. At length they set the day for the 
uprising. Leaders of the evil scheme were scattered through 
the South. They had tried to keep their purpose concealed, 
but the African is not secretive and he divulged the plot. 

On the Sunday before the appointed day, men of influ- 
ence among them, spoke to their congregations as wise 
men should. The anarchists were amazed to find that 
even the most ignorant and degraded blacks were loyal to 
the whites and utterly refused to strike a blow. 

When these facts became known to the Southern peo- 
ple, when they thought of 1822 and how terrible such an 
uprising would have been, especially in the many communi- 
ties where the negroes far outnumbered them, a swift re- 
vulsion of feeling ensued. With true Southern frankness 
and manliness, they made this proposal: 

"We cannot be to each other as if all were white or all 
black. Neither you nor we desire that. But you shall 
have your legal and civil rights. Offices shall be fairly 
open to you according to merit, as you are competent to 
fill them. Your dwellings, your churches, your schools, 
your cars, shall be as good as ours. We will respect char- 
acter in you and will not forget that, when you were tempted 
to do us harm, your hand spared us." 

This disclosure and pledge came at the very time when 
the New Platform was in preparation. Nowhere was its 
ratification more hearty and sincere than in the South. All 
men, white and black, felt that now the troublesome color 
problem could wait for some unthought of solution in the 
far future. 

Step 3. The Tzvo Conventions. 

Soon the time for party conventions drew on. The 
people had talked, as is their manner, 
"About it and about, but evermore 



39 

"Came out by that same door wherein they went." 

Here and there something Hke the old party vigor was 
manifest, but it was galvanized life. As a whole, the politi- 
cal atmosphere was bland, the skies blue, the breezes south 
by west. The notion of service, the true function of an 
office bearer, had come to possess men's minds and to 
make them more careful in the presence of responsibility. 
They knew that the deep, wide-reaching principles of the 
Platform were here to stay — the people would see to that 
— and that a public which had accepted these would be 
prompt to adopt others as experience should direct. In 
fact, the very men by whom offices must be filled were 
busy helping to carry out the new regime. It may be said 
that the voting body was watchful, serious, but not strenu- 
ous. 

The Republicans held their convention in St. Louis ; the 
Democrats in Cleveland. Here another significant thing 
appeared. The former had intended to meet a week earlier 
than the latter, but events over which they had no control 
made it impossible. We pass by these details in the volume 
and find the two conventions gathered in the same week. 

The party declarations had been issued and were found 
to be substantially alike. They diflfered in the order of 
subjects, and each had a few minor points not in the other; 
but in all important principles they were so similar that the 
same committee might have prepared both. 

The usual routine \x^s followed with no special note of 
change until the time came for nominations. Then apathy 
seemed to fall upon each convention. It appears that the 
occupant of the White House had been asked privately if 
he would be a candidate. He had steadfastly adhered to 
his well-known declaration that he would not. x\t the 
same time it was clear that no man was so indispensable 
in carrying out the provisions of the Platform. In truth, 
leading men of all parties were busy guiding the splendid 
prosperity which had followed the great meeting. Many 



40 

regretted that an election should intrude at just this time. 
It seemed like a sign or challenge of division, while the 
whole nation was conscious of deepening unity. 

The roll of States was called and not a single one pre- 
sented a name. Men looked at each other. It was little 
short of ridiculous ! At the same time there was a spirit 
of cheerfulness and calm good nature. They knew that 
the reason for this unheard of failure was the fact that, 
without intention, party government had been relegated 
to history — that instead of drawing apart into hostile camps, 
bawling and throwing mud, as in cruder times, the nation 
was facing right forward as one man toward better things. 

Step 4. The Proposal. 

Then Brian stood up in the Cleveland convention and 
offered the following resolution: 

''Whereas, We, the Democrats of the United States, in 
convention assembled, have found ourselves unzvilling to 
put any of our party forzvard as candidate for the highest 
office; and 

"Whereas, We are azvare that the reason is not, as might 
appear, indiiference nor lack of worthy men, hut a pro- 
found conviction that all the people of zdiatever party name 
are uniting in one forward movement ; and 

"Whereas, We have discovered through our party plat- 
forms that our purposes and opinions are similar; and 

"Whereas, It seems to us bad statesmanship to perpetuate 
divisions which obtained under the old and discarded sys- 
tem of greed and oppression, 

"Therefore, We, as a convention, do hereby invite the 
convention now sitting in St. Louis to adjourn simultane- 
ously with ourselves to meet on the second day of July in 
Chicago, there to hold a Joint JJigh Convention for the 
adoption of a platform and the nomination of such leaders 
as we may deem best qualified to promote the common 
good:' 



41 

As the mover resumed his seat a murmur of approval 
ran through the hall. Then Rite, of the South, rose and 
said : "Mr. Chairman, I suggest that the words *of greed 
and oppression' in the last 'whereas' be left out. We are 
moving swiftly away from the old. Let us commit such 
words to oblivion." 

''By all means," cried Brian. "I accept the amendment." 

"Then," continued the other, "I heartily second the reso- 
lutions." 

They were passed with a unanimous '"aye," and tele- 
graphed to St. Louis. 

Step 5. The Response. 

Within an hour came the reply: 'We, as individuals 
and as a convention, do heartily coincide with your opin- 
ions, and recognise their statesmanlike quality. We, too, 
have failed to nominate, having discerned through the spirit 
of the time and the harmony of our platforms that in essen- 
tials we are one people. 

"Like you zve count it worse than folly to perpetuate even 
the forms of division. Accordingly, we now vote an ad- 
journment to the time and place named by you, for the 
purpose set forth in your message.'' 

Strikeshoulder points out the fact that in all these de- 
liberations there was unusual quiet. News of the pro- 
posed union at Chicago was sent everywhere and received 
with entire satisfaction. If any objected they were those 
who had profited by the old divisions. No one dared to 
speak openly against the plan, knowing that the motive 
would be understood and sharply rebuked. 

Step 6. The Joint High Convention. 

July 3d the delegates, two thousand strong, gathered in 
the Auditorium. They who had taken charge of arrange- 
ments at St. Louis and Cleveland hastened to Chicago, 
where it was settled that the delegates from each State 



42 

should sit together. Some wished that the new fellowship 
might be expressed in a spectacular way. It was decided 
that all might gather at will in the hall and that as the 
hour for order approached they should pass out into the 
park, those from each State to gather in a company. Each 
company was then formed two abreast, in alphabetical order, 
every couple consisting of a "Democrat" and a Repub- 
lican." To each man was given a silken Stars and Stripes. 
Thus, amid the cheers of thronging spectators, under the 
smiling sky of a summer morning, they filed into the Audi- 
torium, where, upon the platform, stood a magnificent sym- 
bolic figure of Peace bearing Wealth in her arms. 

By unanimous consent the mover of the resolution at 
Cleveland was elected permanent chairman. He accepted 
the office with an address such as no other man could pro- 
nounce. 

Some of the chief men of the nation, discerning the sig- 
nificance of a joint convention, had thought it worth while 
to hasten to Chicago. Although, strictly speaking, they 
were not entitled to seats, it was voted to give the after- 
noon of July 2d and the forenoon of the 3d to speeches 
and the promulgation of a manifesto. Brian's grand effort 
set the pace, and men like Huze, Cockran, Taf, Golden, 
Bevrij, Nox, Loj, Tilmun and others, spoke, not only to 
those in their hearing, but, through the press, to the whole 
country. 

A comparison of the sentiments uttered shows a similar- 
ity to the Great Platform, but with a subtle difference. At 
the mass meeting all was in the future. High hope, firm 
resolve were there, but of course nothing more. In the 
Chicago convention, on the other hand, men came fresh 
from splendid experience. Instead of platitudes and cross- 
firing — the staple of old-time conventions — man after man 
arose and told how they were carrying out the Great Reso- 
lutions and what excellent results had been attained already. 

At length, on the afternoon of July 3d, the question of 



43 

a presidential candidate was reached. The chairman re- 
viewed the situation ; neither party had united upon a man. 
But it was thought that, as the roll of States proceeded, 
the way would be made plain. It was clear that most 
unusual care would be exercised to select the right one. 

The roll began with Alabama. The chairman of that 
delegation ran swiftly over the questions uppermost in the 
minds of his colleagues. But he took his seat without pre- 
senting a name. State followed State in much the same 
manner. The speeches rang with courage, national pride, 
delight in the new prosperity, assurance for the future. So 
the afternoon passed and the evening likewise. Every State 
was called, yet none named a candidate. 

Then, as the hour for adjournment was at hand, Poke 
suggested that they ponder the matter carefully and try 
again the next day. This seemed the only thing to do, 
and the motion to adjourn was put at once. As the chair- 
man declared it carried, a clear, strong voice rang out, "If 
it were not for his own word I would nominate Theodore." 

The rustle which had begun at the word "carried" was 
hushed as Mead, of the West, began his remark. But when 
he reached the last word it was as if a mighty flood, long 
pent, burst forth. A shout arose that echoed and re-echoed 
through the great hall. It was caught up outside and met 
the delegates as they poured forth. 

"Thus," says our volume, "while there was peace and 
good will on every side, the work they had come to do 
seemed no nearer completion. Nobody was anxious. A 
right solution was sure to come, but how? Whence? No 
one could guess, and no one did. 

July 4th was ushered in at early dawn with the noise 
so dear to American hearts. Indeed, the nation felt that 
it had more cause to "celebrate" this year than ever before. 
The Declaration of Independence at last had come to its 
own. Knowing that there could be no sleep in Chicago 
that morning, the hour for convening had been set at nine. 



44 

Delegates gathered in groups in the park, enjoying the 
lake breezes, for the day promised to be warm. 

As the hour for opening approached there was unwonted 
excitement around the doors of the Auditorium. Not one 
of them could be opened. Some one had tampered with the 
locks. Curiosity had gathered the delegates about the 
main entrance when, at five minutes past nine, a locksmith 
threw back the great doors. The men entered. There on 
every seat lay a sheet of paper. Upon each piece, printed 
in royal purple, was a crown, and across it the words 
"Theodore Rex." 

The men took these slips and sat quietly considering 
what this might mean. No one knew how the crowns came 
to be there, *'nor," says Viter Strikeshoulder, "is it known 
unto this day." 

Then a murmur of conversation arose. The chairman 
made no haste to call the convention to order. Huze and 
Wilsn were seen in conference, just behind the chairman. 
When at length the gavel fell Huze stepped forward. Wait- 
ing until there was profound silence, he raised the purple 
crown in his left hand, pointed to it with his right, and 
asked in a level, business-like tone, "Why not!" That 
broke the tension, and, from all over the hall, rang out the 
response, "Why not, indeed? By all means! That would 
solve the problem." 

Then Wilsn advanced and said, "Mr. Chairman and gen- 
tlemen. The way opens. We groped for a candidate and 
found none. It appears that an over-ruling Providence, 
always kind to America, has led us aright. Kings are what 
subjects let them be. No king can oppress the American 
people. Public opinion will be content with the word when 
it means what it should and what it will when Theodore 
shall bear it. We can teach Europe what a king should 
be. A nation that can do what ours has done can safely 
do what it will with the names and forms of government. 



45 

Already party distinctions are dead. We have entered new 
paths, straighter and higher. 

''I move that a committee be chosen to consider what 
changes are necessary to enable this convention to nominate 
a king; said committee to announce the hour of its report 
to-day by a simultaneous pealing of all the bells in Chicago." 

Step 7. The Platform. 

This motion prevailed. A committee of seven wise men 
met in a side room. Parka was made chairman and Delany 
secretary. An hour later a joyful sound of bells reassem- 
bled the delegates. The report was, in substance, this : 

If the suggestion of a king had come under the old 
regime, it would have been impossible to make the neces- 
sary adjustments. Now, however, but little change will 
be required in laws or constitution. Since Theodore had 
been a leader in the New Way, he would be sure to give 
the office of king a truly American meaning. In view of 
these things certain resolutions were offered for considera- 
tion: 

1. That the Joint High Convention assembled in Chicago 
on July 4, 190 — , docs hereby endorse and reaffirm the Great 
Platform already adopted by the American nation. 

2. That the convention nominates Theodore for King of 
the United Kingdom of America for the term of four 
years. 

3. That it nominates Brian and Taf as '"Caesars," after 
the plan of Diocletian; that these be considered nominees 
for the throne, the next convention to choose between them 
or candidates at large, and then name another candidate 
for the office of "Caesar." 

4. That the "Caesars" be secretaries, one of State, the 
other of the Treasury, according to the royal choice. 

5. That at the end of four years the King shall become 
"Rex Honorabilis," with high advisory pozvers. 



46 

6. That the machinery of government shall proceed as 
hitherto; needful adaptations to he made as experience shall 
direct. 

7. That a commission shall he selected hy the Supreme 
Court to examine the manners and customs of royalty in 
the Old World, that errors and unnecessary forms may be 
avoided. 

8. That consistent adhesion to the Great Platform shall 
be the prime mark and proof of fitness for the throne. 

So sane and sufficient did these propositions appear that 
they were adopted by a rising vote, the delegates waving 
the Stars and Stripes and shouting a mighty assent to the 
question. 

At twelve o'clock, July 4, 190 — , the convention ad- 
journed, having brought before the people a change in the 
form of government, though not in the substance thereof. 
Indeed, the nation had become noble before ever it had a 
king. 

Step 8. The Effect. 

This astonishing deliverance was flashed over the country. 
In the old days it would have seemed high-handed, but 
now it was received with enthusiasm because it met the 
wishes of the people. The resolutions were accepted as 
the platform of the campaign. Theodore consented in a 
speech that set the key for those that followed. In fact, 
the contrast between this and any former campaign was 
of the widest. Instead of harsh words and silly charges, 
believed by nobody, men dwelt, as in the Chicago con- 
vention, upon the happy results of the New Way. They 
told how everyone was enjoying the self-respect that comes 
with conscious usefulness, how great corporations were 
pushing the productive power of the country to its best, 
how want had fled before peace and plenty as the nation 
stepped forth to take her place at the head of the civilized 
world. 



47 

The election was but a form to register the national 
will. The commission to inspect European governments 
had sailed already. 

Step 9. The Court. 

The volume tells of an audience had with King Edward 
Vn. His Majesty admitted that, though he had been ac- 
customed to forms and ceremonies all his Hfe, he often 
found them wearisome. He admitted that money used to 
maintain palaces might far better be spent for the public 
weal. Learning the situation across the Atlantic, he earn- 
estly advised the commission not to recommend the cum- 
brous, mediaeval harness of an Old World court, but to 
keep the simple, democratic ways everywhere known and 
honored as American. 

Consultation with Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, Mr. 
Balfour, Mr. Morley, Mr. Redmond, Sir William Vernon 
Harcourt and others, confirmed this opinion. They men- 
tioned certain minor changes long considered with favor by 
us — that Cabinet members have a seat and voice in Congress, 
that Senators be chosen by popular vote, and that some 
provision be made for Senators-at-Large. The creation of 
a "Master of the Horse and Bear Hounds" was suggested 
but not pressed. 

The commission met similar views on the Continent. 
Kaiser Wilhelm, always a warm friend of America, ear- 
nestly recommended adhesion to the names and customs 
which had grown up on the soil and made American trav- 
elers so interesting to their European hosts. 

These things were leported by the commission and ac- 
cepted by the nation. Names and forms familiar by reason 
of usage were retained. Even the word "coronation" was 
avoided, as well as the form. The only phrase that smacked 
of royalty, when the King was inducted into office, was 
this, "A wise king makes his own crown." 



48 

Step lo. Canada. 

Being the first outside our own land to witness the mar- 
velous prosperity of the new kingdom, Canada has already 
made overtures for union. It appears probable, unless Eng- 
land does as we have done, and quickly, that all the terri- 
tory north of our line will come to us. It would make a 
magnificent realm here in the New World. 

Step II. The Kingdom. 

Viter Strikeshoulder takes 281 pages to tell the story of 
the conventions and their issue. We have only made ex- 
tracts here and there. It is no wonder that Theodore was 
pleased as he read. The peaceful revolution is here. Many 
things are only in process of adjustment, but the way is 
opening easily. Business never was so good. The land 
overflows with plenty. Skill and brain power bring profit 
to the Commonwealth rather than to the individual alone. 

Morals and education receive due attention. Comforts 
multiply, not for the few, but for all. Problems considered 
impossible to solve now disappear or settle themselves. It 
means a new era for the race. The nations of the earth 
will soon fall into line with 

"The United Kingdom of America, Theodore, R." 



/ 



The old order changeth, yielding place to new." 

NOV 21 l^J •■ 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 

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The wind blows east, the wind blows west. 

The blue eggs in the robin's nest 
Will soon have wings, and beak, and breast, 

And flutter, and fly away." 





LIBRARY OF 



CONGRESS 




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